Xule said the HRC confirmed all the concerns raised and he was grateful that José Manuel Santos Pais, the vice-chair was impartial and neutral in discussion.He said it was amazing to be acknowledged as an indigenous people for the first time.“The French don’t recognise the indigenous people, they talk about the ethnic minority. They don’t want to recognise us as indigenous.”
“It’s really big and historic for us. It’s a big surprise and we’re really proud,” Xule said.“It was really amazing because it was the first time for Kanak indigenous people to be there for the Human Rights Committee.”The appearance before the Human Rights Committee came months after riots in New Caledonia as Framce tried to alter the Noumea Accords to allow more French residents to vote on an independence referendum. In October France announced that the electoral reform proposal would not go ahead.After a successful report to the Human Rights Committee Xulue said the next step was the UN General Assembly at which he will help Fiji and PNG include the Human Rights Committee recommendations in a resolution, as Fiji and Papua New Guinea had proposed a resolution to the UN Decolonisation Committee in June regarding a mission to Kanaky on the question of New Caledonia.Asked if that Fiji and Papua New Guinea support showed Pacific solidarity, he agreed.“Yeah, we have big Pacific solidarity but, specifically, it started with all the Indigenous people in the Pacific. All of us, we really stand together, we help each other.”
He also thanked the Pacific Conference of Churches as it had helped fund travel to New York and Geneva. And he also thanked te iwi Māori.“Māori people have sent their warriors to help me, that’s why I’m really thankful. In our legend, the water is coming from Aotearoa. It’s your role to help Kanak people, it’s the role of Māori people because it’s our legend coming from our ancestors.“When we want to have water, we ask the god who lives on Aotearoa, the long white cloud, to bring water to our people. And if we want to connect with our ancestors and gods, we asked the Aboriginal people with the big snake, the rainbow serpent, to help us connect with our god.“It’s really powerful and it was the rule for Māori people to help Kanak people and we need to connect again, our spirit.”
Committee told France to respect constitutional irreversibility
The Human Rights Committee report raised several areas of concern.The third referendum on independence during Covid-19 while Kanaks were in customary Indigenous mourning was shown through high abstention - 56.13 per cent did not vote.The Human Rights Committee said France did not respect the right of indigenous Kanak to be consulted to obtain their free, prior and informed consent.It recommended France respect the principle of constitutional irreversibility set out in article 5 of the Noumea Accord, which guarantees the integrity of the decolonisation process.It also raised the issue of prison conditions, the over-representation of Kanaks incarcerated, and the need to take alternative measures for Indigenous convicts to serve sentences i communities rather than overcrowded prisons.France is required to submit its response by November 2027 to the committee’s 14 recommendations on the excessive use of force by law enforcement officers, freedom of expression and the right to peaceful assembly.Eleven Kanaks were killed in the uprising earlier this year and two French gendarmes.
There were some concerns over freedom of expression with journalists being subject to arbitrary arrests and excessive use of force when covering demonstrations. The report said the state must ensure journalists could cover protests without undue restriction or risk to personal safety.The committee was concerned by what it said was a significant increase in the number of defamation proceedings aimed at intimidating, silencing and financially exhausting journalists, human rights defenders and trade unionists.It said since the Hamas terrorist attack on Israel last October 7 several political, trade union and community leaders had been prosecuted for “condoning terrorism” when they pointed out the context in which the acts were committed.Finally, the committee was also concerned about the temporary closure of a major social media platform in response to unrest in New Caledonia in May.On the right to peaceful assembly the committee discussed peaceful demonstrators being arbitrarily arrested, and their demonstrations banned by authorities on basis of an alleged threat to public order. This included demonstrations supporting Palestinians.
Xulue said it was a historical step for Kanaky as the Human Rights Committee’s recommendations enabled a request for a UN special rapporteur (human rights expert) investigation in New Caledonia, which could be used for support at the UN Decolonisation Committee.The next step was to implement the recommendations proposed for indigenous groups, integrating them into their institutions, particularly within customary councils but he said the French government must do the same.Last week the president of the French parliament, the National Assembly, and the president of the French Senate were in Kanaky. Xulue said he didn’t know the aim of the mission but was worried they were preparing the next step in an attempt to bury the Noumea Accord.“The indigenous people, we don’t want to bury the Noumea accord because the Noumea Accord is the process of the decolonisation, for the sovereignty of Kanaky.”Indigenous representatives will participate in the 2025 Indigenous Forum and Decolonisation Committee, and the UN Committee Against Torture in May 2025, addressing what he called the first and second civil wars in New Caledonia (which were in the 1980s and earlier this year). The French refer to them as “the events” and civil unrest.Xulue emphasised, “The struggle is not finished.”The Human Rights Committee said the next constructive dialogue with France was planned for 2032 in Geneva.
By — Peter Smith, Associated Press
Politics Nov 7, 2024 2:57 PM EST
After former President Donald Trump gave his victory speech early Wednesday, at the Palm Beach Convention Center, dozens of his supporters gathered in a lobby to sing "How Great Thou Art," reciting from memory the words and harmonies of a classic hymn, popular among evangelical Christians.
It was a fitting coda to an election in which Trump once again won the support of about 8 in 10 white evangelical Christian voters, according to AP VoteCast, a sweeping survey of more than 120,000 voters. That margin — among a group that represented about 20% of the total electorate — repeats similarly staggering margins of evangelical support that T rump received in 2020.
Pastor Robert Jeffress of First Baptist Church of Dallas, one of Trump's most prominent evangelical supporters since the 2016 campaign, called the election a "great victory."
"Yes, there were some faith issues important to evangelicals, but evangelicals are Americans, too," Jeffress said. "They care about immigration, they care about the economy."
Jeffress dismissed concerns of those who predict a Christian nationalist administration.
"People who are not Christians are unduly worried he's going to institute some kind of oppressive theocracy. He has no interest in doing that," Jeffress said, noting that Trump has shown no interest in banning same-sex marriage or imposing an absolute abortion ban.
Trump's strongest supporters among evangelical leaders can likely expect the kind of White House access they had in the first Trump term.
Trump has proclaimed a sense of divine mandate.
"Many people have told me that God spared my life for a reason," Trump said in his victory speech, referring to the widespread proclamations among evangelical supporters that he received miraculous divine protection in the near-fatal assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania, on July 13. "And that reason was to save our country and to restore America to greatness."
Some Trump critics fear he will implement a Christian nationalist agenda they see as giving Christians a privileged position in the country and flouting the separation of church and state. Others wonder how such an agenda would look in practice.
On the campaign trail, Trump pledged to "protect Christians in our schools and in our military and our government" and in "our public square." Many church-state battles in recent years have focused on Christian symbols in public settings, such as displays of crosses.
The Republican platform pledged to defend Christians as well as Jews facing persecution. While it included a general pledge to protect the worship of all faith groups, those were the only two singled out by name. The platform also championed the right to "pray and read the Bible in school."
Trump is pledging to support other evangelical priorities, such as support for Israel and a pushback on transgender rights, saying, "God created two genders, male and female." Evangelicals have been dismayed that Trump has distanced himself from the strictest antiabortion proposals, though evangelical leaders saw Trump as preferable to Harris' strong advocacy for abortion rights.
Trump is pledging to support other evangelical priorities, such as support for Israel and a pushback on transgender rights, saying, "God created two genders, male and female." Evangelicals have been dismayed that Trump has distanced himself from the strictest antiabortion proposals, though evangelical leaders saw Trump as preferable to Harris' strong advocacy for abortion rights.
Pro-Trump rallies featured expressions that have been embraced by Christian nationalists, such as the song "God Bless the U.S.A." Many at Trump rallies wear shirts proclaiming, "Jesus is my savior, Trump is my president."
Evangelicals' support of Trump initially took many by surprise, given his casino ventures, multiple marriages, accusations of sexual misconduct and, more recently, his central role in fomenting the 2021 Capitol riot and his conviction on fraud charges. But many supporters dispute these accusations or see him as an imperfect but powerful champion.
"People support President Trump not for his piety but for his policies," Jeffress said.
John Fea, a history professor at Messiah University in Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania, who wrote a book on the evangelical backing for Trump in his 2016 campaign, said the persistence of that support was not surprising.
In this campaign, Fea said he spoke with evangelicals who were uncomfortable with Trump. They were "looking for any reason to vote for Harris," such as some moderation on abortion. "I don't think Harris was giving them much."
It wasn't just white, non-Hispanic evangelicals supporting Trump. So did about just over half of Latino evangelicals and about 6 in 10 white Catholics, according to AP VoteCast. Overall, about 6 in 10 Mormons also backed the former president.
Pastor Abraham Rivera of La Puerta Life Center in North Miami, Florida, attributed Trump's popularity among all Latinos, and evangelicals in particular, to their conservative values regarding morality and family.
"The gender identity issue that the left pushes a lot, I think it puts off a lot of Latino evangelicals," Rivera said. Members of his congregation voiced some concerns about Trump's "personality or things he says," but not his policies, Rivera said.
He expects the frequent contacts that Latino evangelical leaders had with Trump's first administration to continue, giving them a voice. In contrast, he felt doors "were shut closed" in the Biden White House, which seemed to disregard the values of many conservatives.
But Rivera added: "The idea that some evil Christian right is going to take over everything is just crazy."
Fea said a Christian nationalist agenda may be more rhetorical than substantive on the national level — whereas he said there are genuine cases of it on the local level. He anticipated that the Trump administration would not push back against such things as a new Louisiana law requiring the posting of the Ten Commandments in public schools and an Oklahoma education official's order for public schools to incorporate the Bible into lessons. Both face court challenges.
Even if the administration's expressions of religion are in rhetoric rather than policy, that can have an impact in a country that is more secular and religiously diverse than in past generations, said Andrew Whitehead, author of "Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States."
"For those who do not embrace that expression of Christianity or the Christian religion or no religion at all, they will feel marked as 'other' and not truly American," said Whitehead, associate professor of sociology at Indiana University Indianapolis.
Whitehead anticipated that a Christian nationalist view will likely motivate restrictive immigration policies on the grounds of protecting traditional American culture, such as the first Trump administration's ban on travel from several Muslim-majority countries.
The 2024 Republican platform pledged to use "existing federal law to keep foreign Christian-hating Communists, Marxists, and Socialists," as well as "jihadists" out of America. On the campaign trail, Trump said he would form a federal task force to fight the "persecution against Christians in America."
Other groups, nationally and within local churches, are poised to push back on a Christian nationalist agenda.
Americans United for Separation of Church and State pledged to resist any Trump administration policies that privilege Christians and use claims of religious freedom as a "license to discriminate," said Andrew Seidel, the group's vice president of strategic communications.
He anticipates the incoming Trump administration has a plan to implement the Heritage Foundation's Project 2025, which he said has a Christian nationalist blueprint, despite Trump distancing himself from it.
"This time, they are ready for a win," Seidel said. "Last time they were the dog that caught the car. They didn't know what they were doing. They're going to be ready to go on day one."
The Rev. Tim Schaefer, pastor of First Baptist Church of Madison, Wisconsin, said he opposes Christian nationalism in part because it defies the separation of church and state – an important belief in his Baptist tradition.
"Our job then is to remind folks that we were not established as a Christian nation," he said. "There was a desire on behalf of the founders to be a religiously pluralistic nation."